The Ralph Nader Reader

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Four generations of Americans have come to associate Ralph Nader with the political issues that have defined our age, be it car safety in the 1960s or the anti-WTO demonstrations that recently shut down Seattle. His work has successfully shaped the Left, increased government accountability, made possible new laws, and served as a powerful check against abuses of corporate power. In this landmark collection, the essays that reveal the intellectual, social, and political underpinnings of this legendary citizen ...
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Four generations of Americans have come to associate Ralph Nader with the political issues that have defined our age, be it car safety in the 1960s or the anti-WTO demonstrations that recently shut down Seattle. His work has successfully shaped the Left, increased government accountability, made possible new laws, and served as a powerful check against abuses of corporate power. In this landmark collection, the essays that reveal the intellectual, social, and political underpinnings of this legendary citizen advocate are brought together for the first time.
In The Ralph Nader Reader, we follow the trajectory of Nader's concerns from 1956 to the present and his personal evolution from consumer advocate to presidential candidate. The result is a monumental book, an invaluable resource for anyone interested in a unique vision of democracy that places citizenship over consumerism, communities over corporations, and public interest over private power.
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Editorial Reviews

A collection of 66 articles, essays, and speeches<-->from "The Car You Can't Buy" which originally appeared in in April 1959 to Nader's statement announcing his candidacy delivered in February 2000. Topics include consumer rights, citizen action and social change, tort reform, corporate welfare, the media, practicing law, the presidency and democracy, and opposing the WTO. Annotation c. Book News, Inc., Portland, OR (
Adam Clymer
A collection of articles and speeches that span Nader's career before, during and after the years when he had more influence on his country than Al Gore and George W. Bush have had, combined is worth rereading the best speech announcing a presidential candidacy of this campaign. Or reading it for the first time, since it got minimal attention when delivered and cannot be found even today on the candidate's Web sites. Ralph Nader's speech on Feb. 21 declaring his sure-thing quest for the Green Party's nomination was an angry, principled and coherent condemnation of the current state of American politics.
New York Times Book Review
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Product Details

  • ISBN-13: 9781583220573
  • Publisher: Seven Stories Press
  • Publication date: 11/28/2000
  • Pages: 441
  • Sales rank: 746,078
  • Product dimensions: 5.99 (w) x 8.99 (h) x 0.89 (d)

Meet the Author

Ralph Nader
For over four decades RALPH NADER has challenged corporations, government agencies, and institutions to be more accountable to the public. From fighting for car safety in the 1960s, to opposing the policies of the World Trade Organization, to running for president, Nader continues to be a relentless force for grassroots activism and democratic change.
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Read an Excerpt

The Ralph Nader Reader

By Ralph Nader

Seven Stories Press

Copyright © 2000 Ralph Nader
All right reserved.

ISBN: 1583220577

Chapter One

Statement of Ralph Nader,
Announcing His Candidacy for the Green Party's
Nomination for President

Originally delivered February 21, 2000, Washington, D.C.

Today I wish to explain why, after working for years as a citizen advocate for consumers, workers, taxpayers and the environment, I am seeking the Green Party's nomination for President. A crisis of democracy in our country convinces me to take this action. Over the past twenty years, big business has increasingly dominated our political economy. This control by the corporate government over our political government is creating a widening "democracy gap." Active citizens are left shouting their concerns over a deep chasm between their government and themselves. This state of affairs is a world away from the legislative milestones in civil rights, the environment, and health and safety of workers and consumers seen in the sixties and seventies. At that time, informed and dedicated citizens powered their concerns through the channels of government to produce laws that bettered the lives of millions of Americans.

Today we face grave and growing societal problems in health care, education, labor, energy and the environment. These are problems for which active citizens have solutions, yet their voices are not carrying across the democracy gap. Citizen groups and individual thinkers have generated a tremendous capital of ideas, information, and solutions to the point of surplus, while our government has been drawn away from us by a corporate government. Our political leadership has been hijacked.

Citizen advocates have no other choice but to close the democracy gap by direct political means. Only effective national political leadership will restore the responsiveness of government to its citizenry. Truly progressive political movements do not just produce good results; they enable a flowering of progressive citizen movements to advance the quality of our neighborhoods and communities outside of politics.

I have a personal distaste for the trappings of modern politics, in which incumbents and candidates daily extol their own inflated virtues, paint complex issues with trivial brush strokes, and propose plans quickly generated by campaign consultants. But, I can no longer stomach the systemic political decay that has weakened our democracy. I can no longer watch people dedicate themselves to improving their country while their government leaders turn their backs, or worse, actively block fair treatment for citizens. It is necessary to launch a sustained effort to wrest control of our democracy from the corporate government and restore it to the political government under the control of citizens.

This campaign will challenge all Americans who are concerned with systemic imbalances of power and the undermining of our democracy, whether they consider themselves progressives, liberals, conservatives, or others. Presidential elections should be a time for deep discussions among the citizenry regarding the down-to-earth problems and injustices that are not addressed because of the gross power mismatch between the narrow vested interests and the public or common good.

The unconstrained behavior of big business is subordinating our democracy to the control of a corporate plutocracy that knows few self-imposed limits to the spread of its power to all sectors of our society. Moving on all fronts to advance narrow profit motives at the expense of civic values, large corporate lobbies and their law firms have produced a commanding multi-faceted and powerful juggernaut. They flood public elections with cash, and they use their media conglomerates to exclude, divert, or propagandize. They brandish their willingness to close factories here and open them abroad if workers do not bend to their demands. By their control in Congress, they keep the federal cops off the corporate crime, fraud, and abuse beats, They imperiously demand and get a wide array of privileges and immunities: tax escapes, enormous corporate welfare subsidies, federal giveaways, and bailouts. They weaken the common law of torts in order to avoid their responsibility for injurious wrongdoing to innocent children, women and men.

Abuses of economic power are nothing new. Every major religion in the world has warned about societies allowing excessive influences of mercantile or commercial values. The profiteering motive is driven and single-minded. When unconstrained, it can override or erode community, health, safety, parental nurturing, due process, clean politics, and many other basic social values that hold together a society. Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roosevelt, Franklin Roosevelt, Supreme Court Justices Louis Brandies and William Douglas, among others, eloquently warned about what Thomas Jefferson called "the excesses of the monied interests" dominating people and their governments. The struggle between the forces of democracy and plutocracy has ebbed and flowed throughout our history. Each time the cycle of power has favored more democracy, our country has prospered ("a rising tide lifts all boats"). Each time the cycle of corporate plutocracy has lengthened, injustices and shortcomings proliferate.

In the sixties and seventies, for example, when the civil rights, consumer, environmental, and women's rights movements were in their ascendancy, there finally was a constructive responsiveness by government. Corporations, such as auto manufacturers, had to share more decision making with affected constituencies, both directly and through their public representatives and civil servants. Overall, our country has come out better, more tolerant, safer, and with greater opportunities. The earlier nineteenth century democratic struggles by abolitionists against slavery, by farmers against large oppressive railroads and banks, and later by new trade unionists against the brutal workplace conditions of the early industrial and mining era helped mightily to make America and its middle class what it is today. They demanded that economic power subside or be shared.

Democracy works, and a stronger democracy works better for reputable, competitive markets, equal opportunity and higher standards of living and justice. Generally, it brings out the best performances from people and from businesses.

A plutocracy--rule by the rich and powerful--on the other hand, obscures our historical quests for justice. Harnessing political power to corporate greed leaves us with a country that has far more problems than it deserves, while blocking ready solutions or improvements from being applied.

It is truly remarkable that for almost every widespread need or injustice in our country, there are citizens, civic groups, small and medium-sized businesses and farms that have shown how to meet these needs or end these injustices. However, all the innovative solutions in the world will accomplish little if the injustices they address or the problems they solve have been shoved aside because plutocracy reigns and democracy wanes. For all optimistic Americans, when their issues are thus swept from the table, it becomes civic mobilization time.

Consider the economy, which business commentators say could scarcely be better. If, instead of corporate yardsticks, we use human yardsticks to measure the performance of the economy and go beyond the quantitative indices of annual economic growth, structural deficiencies become readily evident. The complete dominion of traditional yardsticks for measuring economic prosperity masks not only these failures but also the inability of a weakened democracy to address how and why a majority of Americans are not benefitting from this prosperity in their daily lives. Despite record economic growth, corporate profits, and stock market highs year after year, a stunning array of deplorable conditions still prevails year after year. For example:

* A majority of workers are making less now, inflation adjusted, than in 1979.
* Over 20% of children were growing up in poverty during the past decade, by far the highest percentage among comparable western countries.
* The minimum wage is lower today, inflation-adjusted, than in 1979.
* American workers are working longer and longer hours--on average, an additional 163 hours per year, compared to twenty years ago--with less time for family and community.
* Many full-time family farms cannot make a living in a market of giant buyer concentration and industrial agriculture.
* The public works (infrastructure) are crumbling, with decrepit schools and clinics, library closings, antiquated mass transit and more.
* Corporate welfare programs, paid for largely by middle-class taxpayers and amounting to hundreds of billions of dollars per year, continue to rise along with government giveaways of taxpayer assets such as public forests, minerals and new medicines.
* Affordable housing needs are at record levels while secondary mortgage market companies show record profits.
* The number of Americans without health insurance grows every year.
* There have been twenty-five straight years of growing foreign trade deficits ($270 billion in 1999).
* Consumer debt is at an all time high, totaling over $6 trillion,
* Personal bankruptcies are at a record level.
* Personal savings are dropping to record lows and personal assets are so low that Bill Gates' net worth is equal to that of the net assets of the poorest 120 million Americans combined.
* The tiny federal budgets for the public's health and safety continue to be grossly inadequate.
* Motor vehicle fuel efficiency averages are actually declining and, overall, energy conservation efforts have slowed, while renewable energy takes a back seat to fossil fuel and atomic power subsidies.
* Wealth inequality is greater than at any time since WWII. The top one percent of the wealthiest people have more financial wealth than the bottom 90% of Americans combined, the worst inequality among large western nations.
* Despite annual declines in total business liability costs, business lobbyists drive for more privileges and immunities for their wrongdoing.

It is permissible to ask, in the light of these astonishing shortcomings during a period of touted prosperity, what the state of our country would be should a recession or depression occur. One import of these contrasts is clear: economic growth has been decoupled from economic progress for many Americans. In the early 1970s, our economy split into two tiers. Whereas once economic growth broadly benefitted the majority, now the economy has become one wherein "a rising tide lifts all yachts," in the words of Jeff Gates, author of The Ownership Solution. Returns on capital outpaced returns on labor, and job insecurity increased for millions of seasoned workers. In the seventies, the top three hundred CEOs paid themselves forty times the entry-level wage in their companies. Now the average is over four hundred times.

This in an economy where impoverished assembly line workers suffering from carpal tunnel syndrome frantically process chickens which pass them in a continuous flow, where downsized white and blue collar employees are hired at lesser compensation, if they are lucky, where the focus of top business executives is no longer to provide a service that attracts customers, but rather to acquire customers through mergers and acquisitions. How long can the paper economy of speculation ignore its effects on the real economy of working families? Pluralistic democracy has enlarged markets and created the middle class. Yet the short-term monetized minds of the corporatists are bent on weakening, defeating, diluting, diminishing, circumventing, co-opting, or corrupting all traditional countervailing forces that have saved American corporate capitalism from itself.

Regulation of food, automobiles, banks and securities, for example, strengthened these markets along with protecting consumers and investors. Antitrust enforcement helped protect our country from monopoly capitalism and stimulated competition. Trade unions enfranchised workers and helped mightily to build the middle class for themselves, benefiting also non-union laborers. Producer and consumer cooperatives helped save the family farm, electrified rural areas, and offered another model of economic activity. Civil litigation--the right to have your day in court--helped deter producers of harmful products and brought them to some measure of justice. At the same time, the public learned about these hazards.

Public investment--from naval shipyards to Pentagon drug discoveries against infectious disease to public power authorities--provided yardsticks to measure the unwillingness of big business to change and respond to needs. Even under a rigged system, shareholder pressures on management sometimes have shaken complacency, wrongdoing, and mismanagement. Direct consumer remedies, including class actions, have given pause to crooked businesses and have stopped much of this unfair competition against honest businesses. Big business lobbies opposed all of this progress strenuously; but they lost and America gained. Ultimately, so did a chastened but myopic business community.

Now, these checkpoints face a relentless barrage from rampaging corporate titans assuming more control over elected officials, the workplace, the marketplace, technology, capital pools (including workers' pension trusts) and educational institutions. One clear sign of the reign of corporations over our government is that the key laws passed in the sixties and seventies that we use to curb corporate misbehavior would not even pass through Congressional committees today. Planning ahead, multinational corporations shaped the World Trade Organization's autocratic and secretive governing procedures so as to undermine non-trade health, safety, and other living standard laws and proposals in member countries.

Up against the corporate government, voters find themselves asked to choose between look-alike candidates from two parties vying to see who takes the marching orders from their campaign paymasters and their future employers. The money of vested interests nullifies genuine voter choice and trust. Our elections have been put out for auction to the highest bidder Public elections must be publicly financed and it can be done with well-promoted voluntary checkoffs and free TV and radio time for ballot-qualified candidates.

Workers are disenfranchised more than any time since the 1920s Many unions stagger under stagnant leadership and discouraged rank and file. Furthermore, weak labor laws obstruct new trade union organization and leave the economy with the lowest percentage of workers unionized in more than sixty years. Giant multinationals are pitting countries against one another and escaping national jurisdictions more and more. Under these circumstances, workers are entitled to stronger labor organizing laws and rights for their own protection in order to deal with highly organized corporations.

At a very low cost, government can help democratic solution building for a host of problems that citizens face, from consumer abuses, to environmental degradation. Government research and development generated whole new industries and company startups and created the Internet. At the least, our government can facilitate the voluntary banding together of interested citizens into democratic civic institutions, which can create more level playing fields in the banking, insurance, real estate, transportation, energy, health care, cable TV, educational, public services, and other sectors. Let's call this the flowering of a deep-rooted democratic society. A government that funnels your tax dollars to corporate welfare kings in the form of subsidies, bailouts, guarantees, and giveaways of valuable public assets can at least invest in promoting healthy democracy.

Taxpayers have little legal standing in the federal courts and little indirect voice in the assembling and disposition of taxpayer revenues. Closer scrutiny of these matters between elections is necessary. Facilities can be established to accomplish a closer oversight of taxpayer assets and how tax dollars (apart from social insurance) are allocated. This is an arena which is, at present, shaped heavily by corporations that, despite record profits, pay far less in taxes as a percent of the federal budget than in the 1950s and 60s.

The "democracy gap" in our politics and elections spells a deep sense of powerlessness by people who drop out, do not vote, or listlessly vote for the "least-worst" every four years, and then wonder why after another cycle the "least-worst" gets worse. It is time to fundamentally redress these imbalances of power. We need a deep initiatory democracy in the embrace of its citizens, a usable brace of democratic tools that brings the best out of people, highlights the humane ideas and practical ways to raise and meet our expectations, and resolve our society's deficiencies and injustices.

A few illustrative questions can begin to raise our expectations and suggest what can be lost when the few and powerful hijack our democracy:

* Why can't the wealthiest nation in the world abolish the chronic poverty of millions of working and non-working Americans, including our children?
* Are we reversing the disinvestment in our distressed inner cities and rural areas and using creatively some of the huge capital pools in the economy to make these areas more livable, productive and safe?
* Are we able to end homelessness and wretched housing conditions with modern materials, designs, and financing mechanisms, without bank and insurance company red-lining, to meet the affordable housing needs of millions of Americans?
* Are we getting the best out of known ways to spread renewable, efficient energy throughout the land to save consumers money and to head off global warming and other land-based environmental damage from fossil fuels and atomic energy?
* Are we getting the best out of the many bright and public-spirited civil servants who know how to improve governments but are rarely asked by their politically-appointed superiors or members of Congress?
* Are we able to provide wide access to justice for all aggrieved people so that we apply rigorously the admonition of Judge Learned Hand, "If we are to keep our democracy, there must be one commandment: Thou Shall Not Ration Justice"?
* Can we extend overseas the best examples of our country's democratic processes and achievements instead of annually using billions in tax dollars to subsidize corporate munitions exports, as Republican Senator Mark Hatfield always used to decry?
* Can we stop the giveaways of our vast commonwealth assets and become better stewards of the public lands, better investors of trillions of dollars in worker pension monies, and allow broader access to the public airwaves and other assets now owned by the people but controlled by corporations?
* Can we counter the coarse and brazen commercial culture, including television which daily highlights depravity and ignores the quiet civic heroisms in its communities, a commercialism that insidiously exploits childhood and plasters its logos everywhere?
* Can we plan ahead as a society so we know our priorities and where we wish to go? Or do we continue to let global corporations remain astride the planet, corporatizing everything, from genes to education to the Internet to public institutions, in short, planning our futures in their image? If a robust civic culture does not shape the future, corporatism surely will.

To address these and other compelling challenges, we must build a powerful, self-renewing civil society that focuses on ample justice so we do not have to desperately bestow limited charity. Such a culture strengthens existing civic associations and facilitates the creation of others to watch the complexities and technologies of a new century. Building the future also means providing the youngest of citizens with citizen skills that they can use to improve their communities. This is the foundation of our campaign, to focus on active citizenship, to create fresh political movements that will displace the control of the Democratic and Republican Parties, two apparently distinct political entities that feed at the same corporate trough. They are, in fact, simply the two heads of one political duopoly: the DemRep Party. This duopoly does everything it can to obstruct the beginnings of new parties, including raising ballot access barriers, entrenching winner-take-all voting systems, and thwarting participation in debates at election times.

As befits its name, the Green Party, whose nomination I seek, stands for the regeneration of American politics. The new populism which the Green Party represents, involves motivated, informed voters who comprehend that "freedom is participation in power," to quote Cicero. When citizen participation flourishes, as this campaign will encourage it to do, human values can tame runaway commercial imperatives. The myopia of the short-term bottom line so often debases our democratic processes and our public and private domains. Putting human values first helps to make business responsible and to put government on the right track.

It is easy and true to say that this deep democracy campaign will be an uphill one. However, it is also true that widespread reform will not flourish without a fairer distribution of power for the key roles of voter, citizen, worker, taxpayer, and consumer. Comprehensive reform proposals from the corporate suites to the nation's streets, from the schools to the hospitals, from the preservation of small farm economies to the protection of privacies, from livable wages to sustainable environments, from more time for children to less time for commercialism, from waging peace and health to averting war and violence, from foreseeing and forestalling future troubles to journeying toward brighter horizons, will wither while power inequalities loom over us.

Why are campaigns just for candidates? I would like the American people to hear from individuals such as Edgar Cahn (Time Dollars for neighborhoods), Nicholas Johnson (television and telecommunications), Paul Hawken, Amory and Hunter Lovins (energy and resource conservation), Dee Hock (on chaordic organizations), James MacGregor Burns and John Gardner (on leadership), Richard Grossman (on the American history of corporate charters and personhood), Jeff Gates (on capital sharing), Robert Monks (on corporate accountability), Ray Anderson (on his company's pollution and recycling conversions), Johnnetta Cole, Troy Duster and Yolanda Moses (on race relations), Richard Duran (minority education), Lois Gibbs (on community mobilization against toxics), Robert McIntyre (on tax justice), Hazel Henderson (on redefining economic development), Barry Commoner and David Brower (on fundamental environmental regeneration), Wendell Berry (on the quality of living), Tony Mazzocchi (on a new agenda for labor), and Law Professor Richard Parker (on a constitutional popular manifesto). These individuals are a small sampling of many who have so much to say, but seldom get through the evermore entertainment-focused media. (Note: mention of these persons does not imply their support for this campaign.)

Our political campaign will highlight active and productive citizens who practice democracy often in the most difficult of situations. I intend to do this in the District of Columbia, whose citizens have no full-voting representation in Congress or other rights accorded to states. The scope of this campaign is also to engage as many volunteers as possible to help overcome ballot barriers and to get the vote out. In addition, it is designed to leave a momentum after election day for the various causes that committed people have worked so hard to further. For the Greens know that political parties need also to work between elections to make elections meaningful. The focus on fundamentals of broader distribution of power is the touchstone of this campaign. As Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis declared for the ages, "We can have a democratic society or we can have great concentrated wealth in the hands of a few. We cannot have both."

Thank you.


Excerpted from The Ralph Nader Reader by Ralph Nader Copyright © 2000 by Ralph Nader. Excerpted by permission.
All rights reserved. No part of this excerpt may be reproduced or reprinted without permission in writing from the publisher.
Excerpts are provided by Dial-A-Book Inc. solely for the personal use of visitors to this web site.

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Table of Contents

Foreword ix
On the presidency and democracy
Statement of Ralph Nader Announcing His Candidacy for the Green Party's Nomination for President (2000) 3
Perspective on the Presidential Race: A Way Out of the Corporatist Grip (1996) 13
The Greens & The Presidency: A Voice, Not an Echo (1996) 16
Democratic Revolution in an Age of Autocracy (1993) 21
Citizen-Side Politics: Breaking Out of the Two-Party Rut (1992) 34
The Concord Principles: An Agenda for a New Initiatory Democracy (1992) 40
Knowledge Helps Citizens, Secrecy Helps Bureaucrats (1986) 47
On the corporate state and the corporatizing of america
Why Microsoft Must Be Stopped, co-authored by James Love (1998) 55
U.S. Companies Should Pledge Allegiance (1996) 57
Bank Mergers Skip Along Right Past the Customers (1995) 60
Taming Corporations: How Clinton Can Build Democracy (1992) 63
Run the Government Like the Best American Corporations (1988) 67
Corporations Are Not Persons, co-authored by Carl J. Mayer (1988) 77
The Megacorporate World of Ronald Reagan (1984) 80
Reforming Corporate Governance (1984) 92
Corporate Power in America (1980) 100
Is Bigness Bad for Business? co-authored by Mark Green (1979) 104
How To Recognize Capitalists and Corporatists (1978) 111
Who Rules the Giant Corporation, co-authored by Mark Green and Joel Seligman (1976) 114
Introduction to The Company State: Ralph Nader's Study Group Report on DuPont in Delaware (1971) 128
Taming the Corporate Tiger (1966) 133
On corporate welfare
Cutting Corporate Welfare: Testimony Before the Committee on the Budget, U.S. House of Representatives (1999) 147
It's Time to End Corporate Welfare As We Know It (1996) 154
Looting the Medicine Chest: How Bristol-Myers Squibb Made Off With the Public's Cancer Research, co-authored by James Love (1993) 159
Rip-Off, Inc. (1991) 165
How to Put the Punch Back in Politics (1990) 169
Corporate Welfare State is On a Roll (1990) 178
No More Bailouts! (1990) 182
Remarks Before the Conference on Property Tax Reform (1970) 186
On opposing the world trade organization (wto)
Reject This Flawed Treaty (1994) 197
Trade in Secrets (1994) 199
WTO Means Rule By Unaccountable Tribunals (1994) 202
A Pull-Down Trade Agreement: Global Corporations Push WTO Declaration of Dependence (1994) 205
On consumer rights
Unsafe at Any Altitude (1999) 209
The Consumer Movement Looks Ahead (1984) 215
The Burned Children: 4000 Fatal Fabric Fires (1971) 229
The Great American Gyp (1968) 235
Keynote Address Presented to the Consumer Assembly (1967) 251
We're Still in the Jungle (1967) 261
The Safe Car You Can't Buy (1959) 266
On tort reform
Ralph Nader on Tort Reform (1995) 275
Tort 'Reform' Would Aid Wrongdoers (1995) 280
The Assault on Injured Victims' Rights (1988) 283
'Brown Lung': The Cotton-Mill Killer (1971) 301
They're Still Breathing (1968) 307
On citizen action and social change
Making a Difference (1995) 313
Princeton's Class of '55's Gift Is for the Students and the World (1994) 316
Children: Toward Their Civic Skills and Civic Involvement (1992) 319
Introduction to More Action For A Change (1987) 325
Introduction to A Public Citizen's Action Manual (1973) 336
Toward an Initiatory Democracy (1972) 342
We Need a New Kind of Patriotism (1971) 351
On practicing law
Opinion (1997) 357
Leadership and the Law (1991) 361
Ralph Nader Asks Law Students to Change (1972) 379
Crumbling of the Old Order: Law Schools and Law Firms (1969) 388
On the information age
Supersonic Brain Shredder (1998) 399
Digital Democracy in Action (1996) 403
The Dossier Invades the Home (1971) 406
Remarks Before the Public Affairs Symposium on "The Invasion of Privacy in Our Computerized Society" (1971) 419
On the media
A Response to Robert W. McChesney's Proposal for Media Reform (1998) 427
Microradio: Opening the Airwaves for More Democracy (1999) 430
Public is Not Served by Media's Refusal to Ask Specific Questions (2000) 433
TV News Failing in Its Mission (1996) 435
Let's Put the Audience on the Air (1987) 437
Must Candidates Avoid Free TV? (1984) 440
About the Authors 443
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Customer Reviews

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  • Anonymous

    Posted November 2, 2002

    Long Live Democracy and Justice

    All I can say is that I haven't even finished the book yet and I was still compelled to go on the computer solely to write this review. This book is VERY educational and empowering when it comes to issues that matter like corparate abuse and MUCH more. After reading this book, I got into an argument with a co-worker about how much Ralph Nader has done for the people. I told him about Nader's book "Unsafe at Any Speed" and the resulting changes in the auto industry, as well as Ralph's several organizations. My co-worker still chastised him unfairly. My hands were shaking in anger that anyone could deny the work of this hero for consumers, taxpayers, workers, and citizens.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted June 5, 2001

    Public Citizen #1

    Some call him a Socialist, some call him a Communist, some have even called him an Extremist. Most who know his work call him a Patriot. To know his work, everyone shoud read this book, a great collection of writings, statements, and essays, on American politics and justice. He is not for sale so how can anyone say he has an 'Agenda'. He leaves this to Mr. Bush, Mr. Gore, and Mr. Cheney. Mr. Nader has done more for Americans in his life than Bush, Gore, and Cheney combined. You want character, it's in this book, you want leadership, it's in this book. A great reference for anyone who wants to be educated in American Politcs, justice, and culture.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted November 12, 2000

    Great book, great political anaylist

    Ralph Nader is one of the greatest political analysts of our time. In this book he critisizes the beauracracy of the government and the legalized corruption done to policticians by our country's big corporations. This man was possibly the only man fit for the white house in the presidential run. It was a shame to see him fall short of his optimal goal of 5% of votes needed for federal funding.

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  • Anonymous

    Posted October 24, 2008

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