Shia-Sunni Blind Hatred Back with a Vengeance
Vali Nasr makes the ancient Shia-Sunni divide understandable to a wide audience. Nasr reminds his readers that between the toppling of the Shah of Iran in 1979 and 9/11, the U.S. looked at the Middle East from the vantage point of Sunni dictatorial elites (pp. 21, 27). The American focus on Sunnism is not so surprising when one realizes that Shias represent only 10 to 15% of the world¿s 1.3 billion Muslims. However, Shias are about as numerous as Sunnis in the Near East (p. 34). Most Sunnis have a legalistic approach to Islam and are convinced that as the dominating group they should have the upper-hand on earth to guarantee order and religious orthodoxy (pp. 39, 50-51, 57-59, 87, 91, 150, 156). Islamic fundamentalism was originally closely related to the Sunni conception of their right to rule and their reaction against Western imperialism and secularism (pp. 93-94, 96, 100-01, 106, 143-44). One major exception to this majority rule is Syria where the Alawi minority, an offshoot of Shiism, holds the keys to power at the expense of the Sunni majority (pp. 65, 92). Nasr clearly demonstrates that outside Iran, most Shias are often treated as second-class Muslims and branded as heretics for their esoteric, millenarian approach to Islam (pp. 23, 28, 44, 52, 84, 93-94, 130-34, 159-63, 234-40). Nasr compares the Shiite historical experience with that of the Jews because of a common tale of martyrdom, persecution, and suffering (pp. 57, 65, 87, 112). Interestingly, Iranian Shiism has got increasingly sunnified under the influence of Ayatollah Khomeini and his successors, who did not remain totally indifferent to Sunni fundamentalism (pp. 58, 125-26, 145). Iran became the epicenter of Shia fundamentalism in its clashes with both Sunni fundamentalism and the West (pp. 107-09, 115, 117, 138, 141-42). In ending Saddam Hussein¿s Sunni minority rule over Iraq in the aftermath of 9/11, the U.S. gave a voice to the oppressed Shia majority and inadvertently gave a new life to the Shia-Sunni old mutual hatred (pp. 82, 90, 170, 245). The Shia revival in Iraq has a ripple effect across the Islamic world (pp. 65-66, 179, 184, 231, 241, 247-50). The U.S. started interacting with Shia leaders for the first time since the Iranian revolution (pp. 22, 27). Unsurprisingly, Shia clerics such as Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani and the renegade Muqtada al-Sadr have emerged as key power brokers in Iraq because of their wide influence on their flock (pp. 70, 85, 91, 171-76). The sectarian conflict in the Middle East, especially in Iraq, cannot be understood without considering the unbalanced distribution of wealth and power between Shias and Sunnis (pp. 28-29, 179). In contrast to their Iranian counterparts, the Shia clergy in Iraq has overwhelmingly adopted a quietist, orthodox approach to the faith under the influence of Ayatollah Sistani. The quietist Shia clergy is more open to the separation of religion and politics based on the principle of majority rule while protecting and promoting Shia piety (pp. 125-30, 145, 172, 176, 180, 190). This Iraqi quietist approach is increasingly influential in Iran (pp. 177, 219-21). Modern Iraq shows striking similarities with the Turkish core of the Ottoman Empire after WWI: 1) Foreign powers such as the U.S., Iran, and Saudi Arabia and Sunni outsiders involved in jihad are at cross-purposes about how to expand their influence in Iraq and about how to eventually partition its territory (pp. 184, 204, 208, 211-26, 231, 241-42, 244-54). Iran has its ¿Prussian moment¿ in looking for regional hegemony (pp. 222-23). Like Germany before, Iran will ultimately pay a heavy price for its quest for supreme power in the region. Focusing attention on the U.S. and Israel to divert attention from the sectarian divide betrays desperation (pp. 226, 241). 2) Ancient mixed communities are bearing the brunt of an increasingly lethal civil war (pp. 25-27, 204, 207, 242). The remaining moderates wit
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